Sunset glory

Front  page  photos and  TV footage focused on maroon  togas and initial skirmishes when the first-ever impeachment of a Supreme Court Chief Justice began  Monday. History’s “deep-running currents,” below the surface, however, have  shifted.

They  don’t  eddy about embattled Renato Corona, 64, who predicts he’ll  be vindicated. Instead, they swirl about 88-year old Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile  who presides over the trial. His rulings and guidance could spur-—or derail—judiciary reforms in decades ahead.

Today’s robes improve on black  togas grabbed off the rack when president Joseph  Estrada was impeached in December 2000. “Costly thy habit…but not expressed in fancy / Rich not gaudy,” Polonious counsels in Hamlet. “For  the apparel oft  proclaims the man.”

“To thine own self be true,” he added. “And  it must follow as the night the day  / Thou can’st be false to any man.” Unlike the aborted  impeachment of  2001, will impeachment  2012 be fair?

Manicured hands on the Holy Writ, senators swore to ensure justice, not realpolitik.  Would a  Sen. Ferdinand Marcos Jr. recognize justice even if he bumped into it? You wonder.

Marcos  Senior  got a lapdog  Batasan to wastebasket impeachment charges. “But the matter did not end there,” constitutional scholar Joaquin Bernas recalls. People Power intervened. “Is Estrada ready for a return of Edsa?” Cebu Daily  News cautioned  in a prescient editorial  on Nov 29, 2000.

Eleven jurors, however, sealed on Jan. 11 the “Second Envelope” against Erap. Sen. Tessie Aquino-Oreta sashayed on the Senate floor. Senators Juan Ponce Enrile, Vicente Sotto III, Gregorio Honasan and others savored  “victory.”

It was short-lived. Minutes after, People Power II erupted, sweeping away a degraded impeachment trial. The “Craven Eleven”  biased judges  were trashed  at  Edsa, a site for selfless heroism. That added to the sting.

Today,  Corona protests “unfair publicity.”  World Bank firebombed  his  leaky  oversight of a  $21.9-million grant  for the Judicial Reform Support Project. Malacañang questions his  luxurious condos from Bellagio to  Blue Ridge . “If you find them, you can have them,” he snapped.

Who hit the replay button?

Philippine Center for Journalism traced in December 2000 Estrada holdings in 63 corporations and five houses, from a P58.9-million mansion in Wack Wack to the P328.6-million Boracay Mansion  at  100 Eleventh Street in New Manila—abandoned in the aftermath of Edsa II.

Impeachment 2001, which spotlighted such sleaze, morphed into a unique tutorial. People  snacked  before TV screens. They tracked debates over jeepney radios. In pre-Tweets era, many texted comments to newspapers. This morning-to-dusk “seminar” enabled Filipinos to see institutions interact with knaves, heroic citizens and venality in the highest office.

Truth transforms. People were changed, as values trounced head counts. Catholic “liberation theologians” dub this tutoring of a people handcuffed by unjust social structures on their rights as “conscientization.“  Citizens  demanded  accountability.

Beyond legal issues, Impeachment 2012  will boil down to restoring institutional integrity. Justices cartwheel  whenever former justice secretary Estelito Mendoza dispatches a  postman to their chambers. City mayors, flight attendants and shipyard officials grouse.

A Corona victory won’t expunge doubts “about appropriateness of his continued leadership,” wrote Columnist Boo Chanco. “He is damaged… and will  be unable to lead the Supreme Court in a way that a respected  chief  justice could.”

Corona is intelligent and  street-wise. He doesn’t  need a crystal  bowl to foresee that however the decision reads, it will also be an obituary, even implicit,  for the country’s  23rd  chief  justice’s rocky career.

Against  his  better instincts and counsel, he accepted a  midnight appointment given two days after the 2010 elections. That was a month  before president Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo stepped down from Malacañang, en route  to arrest for plunder and other charges, it turned out.

Corona’s  capacity to lead the Supreme Court died then. Filing of impeachment by 188 congressmen, last month, merely confirmed  the “dead-on-arrival” notice. His 19- 0 decisions, coddling  his now  embattled patron, form  a post-mortem footnote.

He’ll  battle, at the Senate, for “independence of the judiciary,” Corona vows. Filipinos, however, don’t muddle persons with  institutions. The latest Social Weather Station survey shows a  net +24 or moderately positive rating for the Court.  But citizens ticked off  Corona  at a  cellar level of net -14.

“There was a correlation between satisfaction with Corona and trust in (Gloria Arroyo),” Mahar Mangahas wrote in Inquirer over the weekend. “The great majority who distrusted her gave Corona a poor rating of –21.”

Enrile is a brilliant lawyer and legislator. His record is  mixed, to say the least.  He faked  a  Wack-Wack ambush to enable Ferdinand Marcos to clamp on martial law. Thousands were killed, “disappeared” or tortured under his watch. He played  a key  People Power One that restored  freedom. That was smudged by  his “God Save The Queen” plots against Corazon Aquino—who fired him.

Providence grants very few  people  a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to alter  history with sunset glory. From the impeachment court’s presiding chair, the bright and once-penniless lad from Gonzaga, Cagayan, has a chance to do just  that.

Enrile’s “finest hour” could just be around the corner. Not so for Corona. Sayang.